The strengths of central policing often align with the weaknesses of local/state policing, and vice versa, meaning the two approaches tend to balance each other out. The real challenge lies in choosing the approach that will serve the country’s needs most effectively. This is where a hybrid model—combining elements of both systems—could offer a more balanced and pragmatic solution, potentially transforming our approach to security if our lawmakers are willing to adopt it.
TherecentSupremeCourtdecisionmandating that fundsdesignatedfor Local GovernmentAreas(LGAs) be directly transferred to their accounts and managed by the elected grassroots representatives strengthens the argument for implementing state police.
This ruling overturns the previous arrangement in which state governments controlled LGA funds. Under the new system, LGAs would allocate resources for security, enabling them to hire and maintain local police forces as they see fit.
At the state level, funds previously directed toward supporting central police operations could instead be used to coordinate local police within LGAs. This would address concerns about funding shortages, one of the main reasons governors were initially hesitant to embrace local/state policing.
Currently, aside from the central police headquartered in Abuja, states operate informal policing mechanisms, such as vigilante groups under various names. With the adoption of decentralized policing through constitutional amendments, these systems could be formalized into an official police force with proper recognition, akin to the native police of earlier times. Alternatively, a hybrid model could be adopted, blending aspects of both central and local/ state policing.
Many nations already use such hybrid models, combining local and central forces. Examples include decentralized policing with national standards, regional police forces with local branches, or community policing supported by centralized oversight. Countries like the United States (local police with federal backing), the United Kingdom (local forces with national coordination), Australia (state police forces supported by federal agencies), and Japan (community policing with national supervision) have all implemented these hybrid approaches.
In my view, these countries provide strong examples for Nigeria to consider, offering valuable lessons in effective policing.
To conclude, it is worth noting that Nigeria previously practicsed local policing in the pre-independence era through native and district constabularies. This approach persisted until the 1914 amalgamation, which consolidated the local police structures of the two protectorates into a unified national framework.
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Having experienced both local and central policing models, a balanced hybrid approach—blending elements of both—could enhance the effectiveness of policing in Nigeria. It is hoped that our lawmakers will seriously consider this hybrid option as a viable alternative to the current system.
A similar approach could be applied to deciding the most suitable system of governance for our country. This decision is currently in the final stages of refinement by our legislators, who recently conducted a retreat in Kano, Kano State, focused on constitutional review.
In my view, when it comes to the debate over whether to maintain or replace the current system of governance, it’s clear that instead of continuing with the imported parliamentary and presidential models that Nigeria has experimented with over the past 64 years of independence, we should adapt our democracy to align with the unique dynamics and cultural characteristics of our environment. This customization could lead to a more effective and well-functioning society. Our neighboring country Ghana operates a hybrid. Perhaps that is why religious orientation of presidential candidates and their running mates do not matter in the country of Ghana, as it is a major issue in Nigeria.
A crucial starting point to end insecurity in our country would be to transition our policing system from a centralized structure to a state/local model, which could help curb the widespread loss of lives caused by violent actors who have been terrorizing our communities with impunity.
Given this, any further delay in implementing the state/local policing system—an initiative that has been under consideration for 25 years since the return of multiparty democracy in 1999, and for which there is broad support across Nigeria as both the presidency and all the 36 governors reaching a consensus in February this year —would suggest that our political leaders, particularly the legislators, are neglecting their responsibility to protect lives and property, implying that they may be recklessly putting the lives of a critical mass of Nigerians at risk.
This is a path we hope they will avoid.
• Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former Commissioner in the Delta State government, sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.
To continue with this conversation and more, please visit www.magnum.ng.
