The barrage of court trials and two assassination attempts that have characterized the 2024 Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump’s campaign were expected to undermine his bid for the presidency. Yet, like a cat with nine lives, Trump has not only prevailed in several court cases but also survived two assassination attempts—one during a campaign event in Pennsylvania and another at his golf club in Palm Beach, Florida.
Despite these challenges, Trump has managed to overcome many of the obstacles designed to derail his quest to return to the White House in 2025. It is worth noting that Trump’s struggle is not unique; the Democratic National Committee (DNC) has also allegedly sought to use the judicial system to remove the independent candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jnr. from the ballot. Historically, no U.S. president has been convicted and sentenced to jail, but Trump was faced with 34 criminal charges and is awaiting sentencing. If not for his determined fight and the Supreme Court’s less aggressive stance, his political adversaries and the judicial system might have succeeded in keeping him off the November 5 ballot.
Before Trump’s legal troubles, the most severe challenge faced by U.S. presidents was impeachment, which typically resulted in the loss of a second term opportunity. Similar to the challenge Trump had to deal with, the independent presidential candidate Mr. Kennedy Jr. who is a former DNC member also faced political persecution from his former party which is a justification for his supporters believing that the DNC’s efforts to remove him from the ballot reveal deep divisions within the party.
On August 24, when he chose to withdraw his candidacy and endorse Trump, he expressed his frustrations about the DNC’s attempts to disqualify him from the race. Despite his legal challenges, Kennedy Jr. managed to navigate the complex political landscape before endorsing Trump. Unlike Kennedy Jr., Trump has faced legal convictions and two assassination attempts in just two months, likely exacerbated by the intense criticism from his opponents who view him as a threat to democracy. Only Gerald Ford 38th, U.S president, experienced two assassination attempts with a woman as the assailant.
I will discuss the attempts on Trump’s life in more detail later in this discourse.
Despite the numerous legal challenges and attempts to disqualify him, Donald Trump remains resilient and is still the front-runner in the race for the 2024 presidential election, just under 50 days away. The conviction he faces involves alleged tax evasion and financial manipulation in New York, where many of his businesses are based. Trump dismisses these charges as a political witch hunt orchestrated by his rivals, a claim the U.S. Attorney General Merrick Garland has firmly denied.
This situation provides a troubling lesson for developing countries: the use of legal obstacles against political opponents, once thought to be a hallmark of third-world politics, is now becoming a feature in advanced democracies as well. The pattern of legal attacks against Trump, who is being pursued under the Biden administration, mirrors tactics seen in developing nations, where political persecution is more common.
For instance, in Nigeria, similar tactics are evident: the current governor of Kano State is accused of politically motivated prosecution of his predecessor, even though he too has been accused of also hounding his predecessor too and in Kaduna State, a former governor, is facing revenge charges from his successor. Similarly, in Venezuela, President Nicolás Maduro reportedly declared himself the winner of an election without proper vote counting or transparency last month August.
These parallels suggest that Trump’s prosecution could be seen as political persecution akin to what is found in some developing countries, rather than purely legal or judicial actions. The challenges against Trump emerged after Congress, controlled by the DNC and encouraged by the executive branch, failed to impeach him over the January 6, 2020, Capitol invasion by his supporters even though the House of Representatives did but the Senate voted against Trump’s impeachment by the lower chamber.
In their book, ‘How Democracies Die,’ Harvard professors Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt discuss the erosion of liberal democracies globally, positioning Trump’s presidency as a potential threat to democratic norms.
It is striking that, six years after the publication of the book, ‘How Democracies Die,’ which portrayed President Trump as a threat to democracy, the current situation in the U.S. political landscape suggests Trump may actually be the victim of judicial weaponization. This alleged misuse of the Department of Justice (DOJ) by the Biden administration could be targeting not only Trump but also independent candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who has endorsed Trump for the 2024 presidential race.
The notion of DOJ weaponization has become significant enough to prompt a strong denial from U.S. Attorney General Merrick Garland, who insists that the DOJ is not engaged in improper practices against political opponents.
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As a scholar in politics and international affairs, I find it alarming how rapidly democracy seems to be eroding in a country-the U.S. which is often considered the pinnacle of democratic governance—a government of the people, by the people, and for the people. Surprisingly, this potential decline in democracy does not align with the prediction by Levitsky and Ziblatt, who suggested that Trump would be the one undermining democracy. Instead, if Trump’s and Kennedy Jr.’s claims are accurate, Trump might be the victim of such tactics, not the perpetrator.
Trump and Harris
The authors of ‘How Democracies Die’ noted that American politicians increasingly view rivals as enemies, intimidate the press, and threaten election results, undermining democratic institutions like the courts and intelligence services. They expressed concern that states once praised for their democratic innovation are becoming authoritarian by altering electoral rules and suppressing voting rights to retain power.
They also highlighted the unprecedented election of a president with no prior public office experience, presumed minimal commitment to constitutional rights, and alleged authoritarian tendencies. The book concluded with a troubling question: Are we witnessing the decline of the world’s oldest and most successful democracy?
Given that these concerns were first raised in 2018, during Trump’s presidency, and now seem even more pronounced under a bureaucracy-led administration, I worry about the implications for newer democracies like Nigeria’s. That is because if democracy in the U.S. is under serious threat, what hope is there for emerging democracies struggling to establish themselves?
In my view, the current state of democracy in the U.S., which appears to be under severe threat, suggests that Levitsky and Ziblatt should revisit their book from six years ago to address the present political turmoil and allegations of judicial abuse by Donald Trump and Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
While the events of January 6, 2020, with the Capitol invasion leading to a protester’s death and injuries to law enforcement, were troubling, the recent spate of assassination attempts on Trump within two months are alarming. These attempts are likely fueled by the continued demonization of Trump as evil and wicked by his opponents. Despite accusations against Trump for inciting the Capitol riot, no charges have been filed against those inciting violence against him, which has led to unprecedented threats against his life.
Trump’s strong support base, despite intense verbal and physical attacks, remains substantial, as shown by the 2019 election and current polls even as his rival, Kamala Harris, continues to portray Trump as a threat to democracy, further escalating tensions. Pope Francis’s recent comments labeling both presidential candidates as evil and urging Catholics to vote for the lesser evil may also contribute to the toxic environment surrounding the violence surrounding the election.
As we await the outcome of investigations by relevant security agencies into the latest assassination attempt on former President Trump, it’s clear that the heightened rhetoric and extreme language in this election season are contributing to the dangerous climate. Given Nigeria’s constitution is modeled after the U.S. system, the lessons from these developments are crucial for understanding and improving our own democratic practices.
Among the many unusual events in the current U.S. political season, it’s striking that former Congresswoman Liz Cheney, ex-Congressman Adam Kinzinger, former White House Press Secretary Stephanie Grisham, and former Trump spokesperson Anthony Scaramucci endorsed Vice President Kamala Harris over their party’s candidate at the RNC convention in Philadelphia. This endorsement was even featured prominently in a campaign video by the RNC.
In contrast, the endorsement of Trump by independent candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr., whose support worried the DNC, received minimal media attention.
It is also notable that during the September 10 ABC News debate, Kamala Harris accused Trump of influencing the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, a ruling that had legalized abortion for decades. Harris, who supports abortion rights, argued that the new ruling undermines women’s rights. If Trump did influence the decision, it would be seen as a significant achievement for him and a blow to the DNC and the Biden-Harris administration. While the RNC might argue that Trump appointed three of the justices responsible for the reversal, this raises concerns about political influence in the judiciary.
Harris also accused Trump of obstructing a bipartisan bill on gun control and immigration and border control bill in Congress. This claim suggests that Trump still holds substantial political power, capable of undermining the current administration’s efforts. However, it is curious that the Biden-Harris administration succeeded in passing the bipartisan Infrastructure Act but failed to pass the border and anti-illegal migration bill.
